 Ireland is pounded by budget cuts that will amount to 20 percent of 
GDP, but protests are rare and with none of the violence seen in Greece 
or Italy.
Ireland is pounded by budget cuts that will amount to 20 percent of 
GDP, but protests are rare and with none of the violence seen in Greece 
or Italy.
In a village in County Cork in southern Ireland, about 50 farmers and
 business people meet after Mass on Sundays to protest against taxpayer 
bailouts of bankers. They hold up a banner, wait for the traffic to 
stop, and set off on their march 200 yards up the road and back to 
bemoan the collapse of the economy. 
As the first anniversary of 
Ireland’s €67.5 billion ($91.1 billion) bailout by the European Union 
and International Monetary Fund approaches, organizer Diarmuid O’Flynn 
says the group has struggled to break the 70-person mark ever since it 
started in March. “Where we’ve gone we’ve met with almost universal 
support, but nobody will fall in,” he says. 
“It’s what is called the 
bystander theory. The more people who witness a crime, the less likely 
somebody is to intervene.”
Not all protests are tiny. Irish police say 15,000 students in Dublin
 protested the government’s reintroduction of college fees on Nov. 16. A
 version of Occupy Wall Street has also sprung up there. 
Yet the 
protests haven’t approached the violence and chaos in the streets of 
Athens and Rome. In Ireland there was only one strike in the third 
quarter, and it involved about 17 people, according to a statement by 
the Irish Central Statistics Office. 
Greek unions have fought the 
government’s spending cuts by grounding airplanes, halting public 
transport, and allowing garbage to pile up on Athens streets. 
Portugal 
is set to face a general strike on Nov. 24, its second in a year. The 
peaceful, often subdued nature of Ireland’s protests supports the 
government’s insistence that the nation shouldn’t be lumped in the same 
category as the Mediterranean states.
 “It is very clear that it sets 
Ireland apart from some other countries,” Istvan Szekely, a European 
Commission official overseeing the country’s bailout, said in Dublin 
recently.
Ireland was a relatively poor state until the 1980s, when the 
government intensified efforts to lure multinationals in cutting-edge 
industries such as software and pharmaceuticals with low taxes and a 
well-educated labor force willing to work for modest wages.
 While 
Ireland boomed for years, the banks financed a real estate bubble that 
burst in 2008. Unemployment has tripled, most of the financial system 
has been nationalized, and government austerity measures from 2008 to 
2015 will amount to more than €30 billion, or about 20 percent of gross 
domestic product.
The coalition government of Prime Minister Enda Kenny, who defeated 
his opponent in a general election on Feb. 25, has largely followed the 
austerity policies of his predecessor. Polls indicate he remains 
popular. “While the Irish are angry, they haven’t moved to active 
opposition,” says Eugene McCartan, who is part of a group that wants 
Ireland to leave the euro.
Analysts suggest a mix of reasons for the Irish willingness to accept
 austerity. Austin Hughes, chief economist at KBC Bank Ireland, says 
it’s partly because many Irish realize they fueled the boom and bust by 
pushing up property prices and seeking pay hikes that led to a loss of 
competitiveness. “There is a sense that everyone was at a party that 
went a little too wild,” he says.
Other analysts point to unions’ decision to work with the government.
 Finally, many of those who might have taken to the streets have left 
the country to find work. “This history of migration from Ireland is one
 of the reasons why we haven’t had more revolt and social protest,” says
 Chris Curtin, professor of political science and sociology at NUI 
Galway. “The protest is a walk-out.”
The markets have rewarded the Irish with yields of 8 percent on Irish
 bonds maturing in 2020. Comparable Greek bonds are yielding more than 
25 percent. Yet there’s no end in sight for the austerity the Irish must
 endure. 
“The new government really doesn’t have any fixes or policy 
options that will better people’s lives in any kind of near-term 
future,” says Sean Kay, a professor of politics and government at Ohio 
Wesleyan University in Delaware, Ohio.
In Cork, the protester count in the village has dwindled to fewer 
than 50 as sports and farm work draw locals away. Says organizer 
O’Flynn: “Everybody is waiting for somebody else to protest.”
The bottom line: Ireland’s austerity measures from 2008 to 2015 will equal 20 percent of GDP. So far the Irish are taking them in stride.
 
